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Navajo
Language in the Navajo Nation
by
Carolyn Joy Wiles
"Have
you spoken Navajo to your child today?" and "Dine
Bizaad Shilnili," which translates "Treasure Dine
Language," are bumper stickers that abound on vehicles
in the Navajo Nation. These are the thoughts of the largest
Native American group and the largest indigenous language
group in the United States, and they are engaged in active
pursuit of remaining or becoming bilingual. The Navajo Nation,
which covers much of northern Arizona and New Mexico and part
of southern Utah, has a land base of twenty-five thousand
square miles which is roughly equivalent to West Virginia.
Their efforts to maintain their traditional culture and language
are significant because culture is held in language. The rapid
loss of languages parallels a significant loss of culture.
The Navajo language is being taught, and educational programs
which use Navajo are in constant revision. This study examines
the Navajo and their language and their efforts to retain
their language and culture.
Starting in 1879 a network of boarding schools was established
by the Bureau for Indian Affairs (BIA) for the stated purpose
of assimilating Native American children into the United States
culture (Schmid, 2001). These BIA schools were maintained
until the 1960s. Many of the practices of the BIA schools
were harsh, because with an English only policy, there were
stringent punishments for speaking Navajo. These punishments
included extra chores, whipping, and mouths washed out with
soap.
During the same period of time there were numerous missionary
schools which sought to convert the Navajo children to Christianity
(McCarty, 2002). These institutions were not harsh in their
treatment of the students. The Navajo children were likely
more at ease with this environment because these schools taught
Navajo literacy skills. The Navajo literacy was taught primarily
through the New Testament which prepared the way for the missionaries
to evangelize the children.
In 1984, the Navajo Nation Education Policies mandated that
all the Navajo Nation's schools make Navajo language and culture
instruction part of the curriculum at all grade levels (Batchelder,
2000). This directive from the Navajo Nation came in the midst
of great concern that fewer and fewer Navajo had understanding
and access to their culture and language. Navajo have been
slower than some Native American groups to embrace English
because they have traditionally been more isolated. As recently
as the 1930s almost three-fourths of Navajo spoke no English
(Schmid, 2001). In 1999 the National Clearinghouse for Bilingual
Education reported 160,000 speakers of Navaho in a nation
of approximately 275,000 (Batchelder, 2000). The tie between
culture and language is intrinsic. Therefore, decline in the
use of Navajo is cause for grave concern to the Navajo people.
The Navajo recognize that language is the way culture is expressed
and handed on to the next generation.
Since the 1984 policy mandated the teaching of language and
culture, there has been an on-going discussion within the
Navajo nation concerning the direct teaching of culture. Among
those who adhere to Navajo traditions, there is a consensus
that religion and the primary ideas of living in beauty and
harmony are only appropriately handed on by family and community.
They did not find it suitable for Navajo culture to be taught
in a school (Batchelder, 2000). At the other end of the spectrum
are those who agree that religion and ceremonies do not belong
at school. This portion of the Nation believes that schools
could aid in teaching respect for elders, respect for traditions,
the proper way to greet others, and how to hold a proper conversation.
Yet another group firmly believes that schools are agencies
focused on eliminating Indian culture. These Navajo believe
that parents, elders, and community members have the responsibility
for teaching culture and language (Batchelder, 2000).
The Navajo Nation is actively involved in bilingual education
as it seeks to follow the 1984 mandate to teach Navajo language
and culture at all grades. Successful bilingual programs provide
school environments that promote respect for students and
their families. In these effective programs, the participants'
languages and cultures are valued and incorporated into the
curriculum. Another characteristic of these programs is that
families are considered partners in the education of students
(Brisk, 2000).
Rough Rock School grew out of the federal War on Poverty programs.
It was the first school to teach Navajo culture and language
(McCarty, 2002). Following generations of BIA and missionary
schools, it was the first American Indian community controlled
school. Rough Rock represented a turning point in indigenous
education. "Never again could educators justify why they
were not attempting to have community-based curriculum in
indigenous schools" (McCarty, 2002). "A place for
Navajo to be Navajo" became the title that the Rough
Rock School wore (McCarty, 2002). In today's world it might
have been called the school's mission statement. When the
school began in 1966, Navajo had been a written language for
one hundred years, but there were few teaching materials.
This need prompted the establishment of the first Navajo educational
publishing center.
Initially Rough Rock received many students who only spoke
Navajo. As a result, in the early days, both English and Navajo
instruction were used in a bilingual model which is no longer
used. This need for English and Navajo proficiency still exists,
and so bilingual education persists. Currently the Rough Rock
School uses a K-6, two-way bilingual program which has the
goals of developing the students' oral and written Navajo
and English proficiency (McCarty, 1996). To ensure that students
receive sufficient high quality exposure to Navajo, specific
classrooms and teachers have been designated solely for Navajo
content instruction. Each day students switch classrooms and
teachers for extended blocks of time during which they hear,
see, speak, read, and write in Navajo (McCarty, 1996). This
school continues to utilize community elders to teach traditional
storytelling, livestock managements, drama, and other arts.
As the oldest Navajo bilingual program, they continue to modify
their instruction as they experience changes in their student
population.
Tuba City, Arizona, is in the Navajo Nation and adjacent to
the Hopi tribal lands. In 1992 the Tuba City School instituted
a two-way Navajo-English bilingual program. This program was
established in response to both the 1984 mandate by the Navajo
Nation requiring the teaching of Navajo language and culture
and the 1989 mandate by Arizona State Board of Education requiring
all students to be able to speak and understand both English
plus a second language by the end of eighth grade (McLean
& Reyhner, 1996).
Beginning in 1992-93 first graders entered the program with
one half day immersed in a Navajo language classroom and one
half day immersed in an English language classroom. In 1993-94
both first and second graders continued this pattern with
half of each day devoted to Navajo language immersion and
half devoted to English immersion. In 1994-95 the third grade
program, which has a mixture of one fifth Navajo language
instruction and four-fifths English language instruction,
was added. The third grade pattern continues in successive
grades with the emphasis on language development in both languages
(McLean & Reyhner, 1996).
The two-way immersion program is endangered due to the dwindling
percentage of Navajo speakers entering kindergarten each year
(McLean, 1996). As a result of this shifting language balance,
most students in the Tuba City Schools are part of the Navajo
as a Second Language program. While this program is less extensive
in terms of Navajo language development, insufficient numbers
of Navajo speaking students make it impossible to serve all
students through the two-way bilingual program (McLean, 1996).
The Navajo Nation is required to utilize the Arizona Student
Assessments, which is the state testing program, on a yearly
basis. The scores of students in both the Navajo as a Second
Language program and the two-way Navajo-English bilingual
program on these state tests reflect growth in English academics,
and the rate is better than the rate of growth when they were
taught in English only (McLean & Reyhner, 1996). Also,
Tuba City High School is one of the few Arizona high schools
with a Native American Studies requirement for graduation.
This course requirement shows that the focus on bicultural
and bilingual education extends throughout the K-12 educational
program.
Chinle, a town of 7,230, is located near the geographic center
of the Navajo Nation in northern Arizona. Ninety-nine percent
of the four thousand students in the Chinle Unified School
District's seven schools are Navajo. Sixty-two percent of
the district's total population is Limited English Proficient
(LEP) (Goodluck, Lockard, Yazzie, 2000). The Chinle Primary
School's student population has a lower percentage of LEP
students. In 1997 to face these challenges, Chinle Primary
School began a dual language program with two classrooms at
each level. Each classroom is staffed by a bilingual teacher
and bilingual paraprofessional who work with fifty percent
Navajo dominant LEP students and fifty percent English proficient
students.
The teachers in this district are developing mathematics materials
using Navajo and English, so that they convey content area
material from a perspective of shared cultural values and
norms (Goodluck, Lockard, Yazzie, 2000). These educators are
writing problems and activities that reflect the students'
world. One way they do this is to integrate into these instructional
units Navajo measures for volume, distance, or time in coordination
with the objectives of the Arizona State Standards for Mathematics.
(Goodluck, Lockard, Yazzie, 2000) The community of Chinle
provides a summer dual language camp in support of reversing
language shift which has "limited human potential in
the Chinle community" (Goodluck, Lockard, Yazzie, 2000).
Fort Defiance schools are located in the Arizona portion of
the Navajo Nation. These schools utilized a transitional approach
for teaching language until 1988 when the schools' population
shifted to approximately two-thirds dominant in English (Nave,
1996). At this time the Fort Defiance schools began their
Navajo immersion program. This program involves total use
of Navajo language in kindergarten for academic and social
communication. The teachers communicate in Navajo as the students
are learning the language by hearing and using it. When the
students move to first grade, the students are introduced
to English for reading readiness and math. In addition, an
ESL teacher works with the class for one hour daily. The second
and third grade classes are instructed for one half day in
Navajo and one half day in English. This program instructs
students in reading English in second grade which allows them
to apply their Navajo reading skills (Nave, 1996). After third
grade, the Fort Defiance Schools follow the pattern of the
Tuba City schools with one fifth of the day in Navajo instruction
and four-fifths of the day in English instruction. This district
has similar challenges to other Navajo Nation schools as its
first language Navajo speakers shrink in number.
Clearly the students in all of these Navajo Nation schools
are benefiting from the programs which pursue bilingual education.
These students are continuing to register superior academic
growth over their monolingual contemporaries (Schmid, 2001).
The Navajo Nation's mandate to provide cultural and language
instruction is to a large extent a family and community issue
(McLean, 1996). This is illustrated by the Basque in Spain
who are successfully saving their language with the communities
as the primary center of activity. The Navajo Nation is finding
that, as it relies on the schools to preserve and promote
cultural and linguistic history, multiple models of language
instruction are needed (Batchelder, 2002).
Many voices in this cultural and language arena believe that
to preserve a language and a culture a society will begin
with the home and family, then build with community involvement,
and continue to extend in ever widening circles (Batchelder,
2002). For the Navajo Nation this will mean that embedding
schools in this process may be a critical for success. As
ESL educators, we are the agents of instruction in language.
The Navajo Nation's pursuit of bilingual abilities for their
people indicates that it is incumbent on ESL educators and
schools to realize that we are an important link in the chain
of carrying culture and language into the future, but we are
not the primary link. We are to be agents of support for language
instruction and advocates for cultural preservation. Our roles
and our methods will continue to experience change as our
world deals with language relocations, deaths, and revivals.
References Cited
Batchelder,
Ann (2000). Teaching Dine Language and Culture in Navajo Schools:
Voices
From the Community. In Jon Reyhner, Joseph Martin, Louise
Lockard, and W.
Sakiestewa Gilbert (Eds.), Learn in Beauty: Indigenous Education
for a New
Century. Flagstaff, AZ: Northern Arizona University.
htpp://www2.nau.edu/`jar/LIB/LIB3.html
Brisk,
Maria Estela (2000). Bilingual Education. In Eli Hinkel (Ed.),
Handbook of
Research in Second Language Teaching and Learning. (pp. 7 -
21) Mahwah,
NJ.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers.
Goodluck,
Mary Ann; Lockard, Louise; Yazzie, Darlene (2000). Language
Revitalization
in Navajo/English Dual Language Classrooms. In Jon Reyhner,
Joseph Martin, Louise Lockard, and W. Sakiestewa Gilbert (Eds.),
Learn in Beauty: Indigenous Education for a New Century (pp.
9-20). Flagstaff, AZ: Northern Arizona University. htpp://www2.nau.edu/`jar/LIB/LIB2.html
McCarty,
Teresa L. (1996) Mother Tongue Literacy and Language Renewal:
the Case
Of Navajo. Literacy Online.
htpp://www.literacyonline.org/products/ili/Webdocs/ilproc/ilprocMc.html
McCarty,
Teresa L. (2002). A Place to Be Navajo: Rough Rock and the Struggle
for
Self-Determination in Indigenous Schooling. Mahwah: Lawrence
Erlbaum
Associates, Publishers.
McLean,
Gary D. (1996). Schools-Language Acquisition Session Summary.
In G.
Cantoni (Ed.), Stabilizing Indigenous Languages. Flagstaff,
AZ. Center for
Excellence in Education, Northern Arizona University.
htpp://www.ncela.gwu.edu/pubs/stabilize/iv-education/schools.html
McLean,
Gary D. & Reyhner, Jon (1996). Tuba City. In G. Cantoni
(Ed.), Stabilizing
Indigenous Languages. Flagstaff, AZ. Center for Excellence in
Education, Northern Arizona University. htpp://www.ncela.gwu.edu/pubs/stabilize/
-additional/tuba.html
Nave,
Lettie.(1996). Navajo Immersion Program at Fort Defiance Elementary
School. In
G. Cantoni (Ed.) Stabilizing Indigenous Languages. Flagstaff,
AZ. Center for Excellence in Education, Northern Arizona University.
htpp://www.ncela.gwu.edu/pubs/stabilize/-additional/navajo.html
Schmid,
Carol L. (2001). the politics of language: Conflict, Identity,
and Cultural
Pluralism in Comparative Perspective.. New York: Oxford University
Press
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