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The Socialization of Females |
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Sub-Question
Six Sub-question
six asked, "Under what circumstances did these women become producers
and consumers of new technologies?" In terms of the emergence of
technological interests, there are two major categories: (1) the participants'
being emotionally and mentally ready; and (2) a change in the participant's
perspective concerning the use of technology. For some participants "being
ready" simply meant letting their innate abilities and interests
come to the fore. For three women, their overall technology career paths
have a more linear shape that evolved in gradual, orderly revelation,
with a few digressions here and there. These women were labeled "Type
A's" (More Linear Career Paths). For others, labeled "Type B's"
(Event Change Career Paths), there was a need to become mentally prepared
to take on the discipline necessary to master technologically-related
knowledge. With regard to the seven Type B's, their career paths appear
to have resulted from an unpredictable event from an outside source that
triggered a sudden change in the participant's perspective of computer-related
possibilities. A third group of women, labeled "Type C" (Multiple
Beginning Career Paths), incorporated aspects from each emergence pattern.
The two Type C's made career choices that were not defined in terms of
any single technology initiation event because the typical sequence for
this career path style appears to be fueled by a need on the part of the
participant to continually invent and reinvent themselves as they undergo
explorations of multiple facets of their own personality and abilities.
Each of the two Type C participants was a Guide and tended to incorporate
parts of former occupations. Nonetheless,
whether MST interests emerged early on or later in life, many responses
indicated the strong impact that role models or mentors played in the
participants' lives. These mentors offered the scaffolding so necessary
for many children, especially girls, to take risks (Bandura, 1986; Mann,
1994; Vygotsky, 1978), and therefore must not be underestimated. Germaine
commented,
On
a somewhat different note, it should be pointed out that while each of
these 12 women have all excelled as producers and consumers of new technologies,
some seemed more content than others. This feeling of contentment appeared
in many ways to have resulted from a "good technological match"
between their personal and professional interests. For example, Judy stated
that she had "authentic reasons" for doing her technologically-related
work and could barely contain her enthusiasm to search for new technological
frontiers. On the other hand, Marie is an example of someone who experienced
work as a schism, on a daily basis, between her "artistic self"
and a "mathematical, logical self." Because Marie's professional
duties only involved the later components, she was dissatisfied and appeared
to be on the threshold of abandoning her current job. Such situations
remind educators that interest in MST subjects is in many ways related
to the will of the student to be engaged in such activities (Rugg &
Shumaker, 1998). Thus, it is imperative for educators to discover and
include the student's own interests as part of the MST curriculum. |
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Sub-Questions
Seven and Eight Sub-question
seven inquired, "What perspectives associated with 'women's ways
of knowing,' if any, brought these women to technology?" Sub-question
eight asked, "What ideas and values do these women bring to technology?"
These sub-questions are grouped together because they tend to either directly,
or indirectly, affect the responses to the other question. The phrase
"women's ways of knowing" implies a gender-related, but not
gender-specific, tendency to relate to the world through contextual preferences,
to offer empathy, to tolerate ambiguity, as well as to make connections
via intuitive, cooperative, interactive, and holistic ways of learning
(Belenky et al.., 1986; Gilligan, 1982; Kenway & Modra, 1992). Given
this definition, sub-questions seven and eight addressed the qualities
these participants identified in technological professions that were also
part of their "core" value system as women. In terms of these
women's values, all 12 were drawn toward innovation and technological
change via paths that, to one degree or another, sprang from motivations
which included the traditional role of being nurturers, caregivers and
caretakers. Judy succinctly stated, "This (work) is changing people's
lives, it's enhancing their lives. That's where I get the buzz."
Judy's idealistic efforts reflect those of the other participants who
saw technology as a bridge between their knowledge and other people. Such
comments reinforce research which indicated that women value relationships
with others as central to their lives (Rosser, 1989). In this regard,
many of the participants have tried to incorporate more socially redeeming
values into their highly competitive technological worlds, such as work
objectives that create mutually beneficial solutions to socially significant
problems. Therefore, it is not surprising that many of the respondents
enjoyed cooperative and collaborative aspects of their MST work environments.
Jo noted, "You build one thing and somebody else builds something
else. It's a team thing because all these parts have to fit together.
I really like
that." Sub-Question Nine
Sub-question
nine examined issues such as, "What encouragement and support can
these women contribute to other women's technological participation?"
The data indicated they have earned their way, finding technical solutions
in problem solving situations. As such, they feel they have legitimate
power in their professional lives. Sophie commented, "I've struggled
to get where I am
gone through the competitive hoops. I take pride
in my work...have the expertise to back up the title." Therefore,
many understand they can serve as conduits for better understanding of
women's roles in MST environments. As role models, these women show how
self-esteem can be built on the self-knowledge which comes from learning
from mistakes, taking advantage of changing perspectives, and taking control
over their own lives. In
terms of being risk-takers themselves, these women advocate a need for
girls and women to become question-askers, to take part in discussions,
and to voice their opinions. Many of the participants, especially guides,
talk of "giving back" to other women, of moving into a "mentoring"
phase rather than an "individual achievement" phase. For example,
Judy spoke of her efforts in teaching technology skills to mature women
students. She noted, "The work that I'm doing is giving them the
chance to move out of the entrapment where they've been." |
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