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The Socialization of Females

". . . whether MST interests emerged early on or later in life, many responses indicated the strong impact that role models or mentors played in the participants' lives."

 

 

 

 

 

Sub-Question Six

Sub-question six asked, "Under what circumstances did these women become producers and consumers of new technologies?" In terms of the emergence of technological interests, there are two major categories: (1) the participants' being emotionally and mentally ready; and (2) a change in the participant's perspective concerning the use of technology. For some participants "being ready" simply meant letting their innate abilities and interests come to the fore. For three women, their overall technology career paths have a more linear shape that evolved in gradual, orderly revelation, with a few digressions here and there. These women were labeled "Type A's" (More Linear Career Paths). For others, labeled "Type B's" (Event Change Career Paths), there was a need to become mentally prepared to take on the discipline necessary to master technologically-related knowledge. With regard to the seven Type B's, their career paths appear to have resulted from an unpredictable event from an outside source that triggered a sudden change in the participant's perspective of computer-related possibilities. A third group of women, labeled "Type C" (Multiple Beginning Career Paths), incorporated aspects from each emergence pattern. The two Type C's made career choices that were not defined in terms of any single technology initiation event because the typical sequence for this career path style appears to be fueled by a need on the part of the participant to continually invent and reinvent themselves as they undergo explorations of multiple facets of their own personality and abilities. Each of the two Type C participants was a Guide and tended to incorporate parts of former occupations.

Nonetheless, whether MST interests emerged early on or later in life, many responses indicated the strong impact that role models or mentors played in the participants' lives. These mentors offered the scaffolding so necessary for many children, especially girls, to take risks (Bandura, 1986; Mann, 1994; Vygotsky, 1978), and therefore must not be underestimated. Germaine commented,

I think it's always helpful if you've got someone actively believing in you because you pick up so much on the feelings (of that person). I found myself doing things that I would never be able to do because (they) gave me the support to do it and the opportunity to do it.

On a somewhat different note, it should be pointed out that while each of these 12 women have all excelled as producers and consumers of new technologies, some seemed more content than others. This feeling of contentment appeared in many ways to have resulted from a "good technological match" between their personal and professional interests. For example, Judy stated that she had "authentic reasons" for doing her technologically-related work and could barely contain her enthusiasm to search for new technological frontiers. On the other hand, Marie is an example of someone who experienced work as a schism, on a daily basis, between her "artistic self" and a "mathematical, logical self." Because Marie's professional duties only involved the later components, she was dissatisfied and appeared to be on the threshold of abandoning her current job. Such situations remind educators that interest in MST subjects is in many ways related to the will of the student to be engaged in such activities (Rugg & Shumaker, 1998). Thus, it is imperative for educators to discover and include the student's own interests as part of the MST curriculum.

". . . it is not surprising that many of the respondents enjoyed cooperative and collaborative aspects of their MST work environments."

 

 

Sub-Questions Seven and Eight

Sub-question seven inquired, "What perspectives associated with 'women's ways of knowing,' if any, brought these women to technology?" Sub-question eight asked, "What ideas and values do these women bring to technology?" These sub-questions are grouped together because they tend to either directly, or indirectly, affect the responses to the other question. The phrase "women's ways of knowing" implies a gender-related, but not gender-specific, tendency to relate to the world through contextual preferences, to offer empathy, to tolerate ambiguity, as well as to make connections via intuitive, cooperative, interactive, and holistic ways of learning (Belenky et al.., 1986; Gilligan, 1982; Kenway & Modra, 1992).

Given this definition, sub-questions seven and eight addressed the qualities these participants identified in technological professions that were also part of their "core" value system as women. In terms of these women's values, all 12 were drawn toward innovation and technological change via paths that, to one degree or another, sprang from motivations which included the traditional role of being nurturers, caregivers and caretakers. Judy succinctly stated, "This (work) is changing people's lives, it's enhancing their lives. That's where I get the buzz." Judy's idealistic efforts reflect those of the other participants who saw technology as a bridge between their knowledge and other people.

Such comments reinforce research which indicated that women value relationships with others as central to their lives (Rosser, 1989). In this regard, many of the participants have tried to incorporate more socially redeeming values into their highly competitive technological worlds, such as work objectives that create mutually beneficial solutions to socially significant problems. Therefore, it is not surprising that many of the respondents enjoyed cooperative and collaborative aspects of their MST work environments. Jo noted, "You build one thing and somebody else builds something else. It's a team thing because all these parts have to fit together. I really like that."

Sub-Question Nine

Sub-question nine examined issues such as, "What encouragement and support can these women contribute to other women's technological participation?" The data indicated they have earned their way, finding technical solutions in problem solving situations. As such, they feel they have legitimate power in their professional lives. Sophie commented, "I've struggled to get where I am…gone through the competitive hoops. I take pride in my work...have the expertise to back up the title." Therefore, many understand they can serve as conduits for better understanding of women's roles in MST environments. As role models, these women show how self-esteem can be built on the self-knowledge which comes from learning from mistakes, taking advantage of changing perspectives, and taking control over their own lives.

In terms of being risk-takers themselves, these women advocate a need for girls and women to become question-askers, to take part in discussions, and to voice their opinions. Many of the participants, especially guides, talk of "giving back" to other women, of moving into a "mentoring" phase rather than an "individual achievement" phase. For example, Judy spoke of her efforts in teaching technology skills to mature women students. She noted, "The work that I'm doing is giving them the chance to move out of the entrapment where they've been."

 
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Meridian: A Middle School Computer Technologies Journal
a service of NC State University, Raleigh, NC
Volume 3, Issue 2, Summer 2000
ISSN 1097—9778
URL: http://www.ncsu.edu/meridian/sum2000/career/career4.html
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